Layers Of Language and Culture In West Eurasia (An Overview)

A useful way to think about the history and pre-history of Europe and West Asia since the Last Glacial Maximum is to frame it as a matter of techno-linguistic-cultural waves and layers.

The earliest layer is that of European, Levantine, and Caucasian hunter-gatherers, who are quite distinct and segregated populations from each other and not merely gradual clines of different degrees of genetic admixture. Prior to the Neolithic Revolution, Caucasian hunter-gathers and Levantine hunter-gathers were as distinctively different from each other (or more so) than an Irishman is from a man in China today, at a distance of a few hundred miles from each other or less, and while there was admixture during and after the Fertile Crescent Neolithic Revolution, the populations remained very genetically distinct until the Bronze Age, and remain distinguishable, genetically, even today.

Hunter-gather cultures in Anatolia and the Levant are just on the verge of transitioning to becoming Neolithic farmer cultures in sites like Göbekli Tepe and signs of proto-farming in the Levant, when the Younger Dryas climate event hits and postpones that breakthrough for a few thousand years after these false starts, until you get the Fertile Crescent Neolithic revolution.

The Fertile Crescent Neolithic Revolution collects crops and animals, which are native to different parts of the Fertile Crescent, to domesticate and then combined them into a Fertile Crescent Neolithic package over a few centuries (that was tweaked somewhat with a few more domesticated plants and animals in each direction it expanded , like the donkey added in Egypt and a few more crops in Greece and the Balkans), but still not fully merging ethnically (and probably not linguistically either) and instead remaining ethnically distinct first farmer cultures and populations.

The group of first farmers derived from an ethnicity known in ancient DNA circles as Caucasian hunter-gatherers heads east to bring herding and farming into West Asia. 

The group of first farmers in the Levant heads south to bring herding and farming into Egypt, Ethiopia, and the rest of North Africa. This branch can be associated with the Afro-Asiatic languages, although whether the Afro-Asiatic languages originated in the Neolithic Levant, or were a back reaction from some Northeast African hunter-gatherer language that dominated culturally over the original Levantine farmers and then expanded back to North Africa and the Levant from perhaps Ethiopia or upper Egypt, is hard to know.

The group of first farmers in Western Anatolia expands in two waves that split off from the same source West into Europe: the Linear Pottery Neolithic (LBK) farmers more or less to the north along central and eastern Europe's great rivers, and the Cardial Pottery (CP) farmers more or less along the northern coast of the Mediterranean. The archaeological record also suggest that the LBK farmers in turn had a fairly basal split into two distinct branches with different material culture traditions. Probably each of the three major components of the Western Anatolian first farmer traditions spoke different, related languages within a Western Anatolian first farmer language family.

As these first farmers expanded into the more agriculturally suitable areas that they encountered, they did so primarily as families that largely replaced the much more thinly populated existing hunter-gather populations (in many cases, the population density of farmers was as much as a hundred times greater than the hunter-gathers who had preceded them in the area and the farmers were also much more prone to stand their ground to protect their crops than to migrate away although early herders were more flexible and hunter-gathers transitioned to herding more easily than they transitioned to farming), although a small number of locals were integrated into each expanding first farmer population, mostly women taken as brides by first farmer men.

In most of Europe, societies in cultural continuity with these first farmers start to collapse. Maybe its due to unsustainable agricultural practices, maybe its due to natural climate changes. In the earlier stages of this decline, there is some introgression of people who were part of remaining European hunter-gather cultures (sometimes partially adopting herding), who had continued to persist in places unsuitable for Neolithic farming, mostly women, and some first farmer communities revert to herding and hunting and gathering almost entirely, largely abandoning farming.

A few places, like Sumerian, Egyptian, and highlands West Asian societies, that were some of the earliest adopters of the Fertile Crescent Neolithic Revolution start to innovate and adopt early metallurgy, proto-writing or a true written language, and larger scale political and social organizations with kings and high priests who are more than just chiefs and shamans of small tribes or bands. They ran kingdoms and established full fledged bureaucratically organized religious institutions.

The ergative language speaking linguistic groups of the highlands of Anatolia, the Zargos mountains, and the Caucasus mountains, and of Mesopotamia constitute one group of early metal age societies which emerged in specific communities that used their technological advantages of conquer societies that were stuck in the Neolithic farming era and didn't adopt as fast. These specific communities probably emerged from an ergative language first farmer society. 

The Ancient Egyptians were another early adopter of metal age technologies whose military, economic, and cultural influence spread its non-ergative language Afro-Asiatic substrate across an ergative language first farmer substrate that extended, at least, to parts of North Africa, either via the Southern coast of the Mediterranean, or via Iberia.

The Harappan culture in the Indus River Valley and Northeast India is a third early adopter of technological advances of Copper Age technology that manages, somehow, to become dominant with much division or warfare.

Meanwhile, Pontic Caspian steppe hunter-gathers who had adopted herding and domesticated the horse, and made advances in making practical use of simple animal pulled wheeled vehicles enjoyed a fruitful synthesis with nearby West Anatolian derived first farmers from the LBK branch of their expansion into Europe, probably in Sredny Stog, that gave rise to the first proto-Indo-Europeans. Maybe the farmers had early metallurgy already, maybe the herders borrowed it from neighboring societies like the Caucasians, or maybe it arose independently not long after the synthesis that created proto-Indo-European society. But, the Indo-Europeans were already a society of Bronze Age horsemen and charioteers before their main expansion. One of the earliest expansions from this PIE core is east into the Tarim Basin where they become the Tocharians.

When a large area arid climate event strikes West and South Eurasia from Ireland to the Middle East and North Africa to Harappan territory in South Asia, in a time frame that peaks around 2500 BCE to 1500 BCE with climate leading its impacts on the affected societies, societies that were still Neolithic farming societies or were less advanced entirely collapse, while societies that had advanced to the copper age or very early Bronze Age are weakened and vulnerable to conquest, but don't actually collapse.

Indo-Europeans expand in all directions into the vacuum as the climate event strains existing cultures. In most places that had not reached the metal age when this happened and had almost fully collapsed, the Indo-Europeans almost fully wiped out existing hunter-gather and first farmer men, while assimilating some of the women from the existing culture, in patriarchal clans. This was the story for the Corded Ware Culture, more or less in central and eastern Europe, and the story of the Bell Beaker culture invaders of Great Britain and Ireland.

In places where early metal age cultures were still standing and just weakened when they arrived, like the Harappan culture of South Asia that gave rise to Sanskrit speaking Indo-Aryan society (that briefly extended as far as the Mittani empire at the Hittite Empire's border, before it was replaced by the Indo-Iranian Zoroastrian culture), the Hattic culture of Anatolia which came to be ruled by the Hittites, and the Aegean (where they conquered the Greeks and Hattic-related Minoans but adopted considerable parts of local language and culture), and Basque Country (it isn't entirely clear if this is a first farmer society remnant or if it was a distant and first farmer substrate influenced far outpost of early metal aged culture, probably the latter), there was more give and take, with a greater substrate influence on the conqueror's language through substrate influence, on the conqueror's religious beliefs and identity, and other deep rooted aspects of local culture (like Harappan curry). Isolating geography in Sardinia, and in the highlands of the Italian Peninsula's Etruscans and the Alpine kin, and in the highlands of Basque country (possibly assisted by its cluster of RH negative blood types) resisted longer and were changed less by the Indo-Europeans, although most ultimately fell to them, aided by somewhat less collapsed societies with somewhat more advanced early metal aged cultures (and by adopting technologies from the Indo-Europeans who sought to conquer them).

Indo-European expansion wasn't unchecked, however. The Afro-Asiatic cultures of the Levant and Egypt managed to resist them as did Mesopotamia, which Afro-Asiatic people had conquered from the Sumerians before this collapse. Geography prevented them from expanding past the Tarim Basin into East Asia and Central Asia. In Europe's far Northeast, as far as what is now Finland, northern Sweden, the Baltic states, and much of what is now Russia, as well as (much later) Hungary, Uralic people arrived as a post-Indo-European layer, or arrived to replace hunter-gather-fishing populations that the Indo-Europeans either never reached or didn't manage to hold onto for very long.

Then, another climate event triggered Bronze Age collapse around 1200 BCE. This only slightly unsettles the division of the world between Indo-European societies and Afro-Asiatic ones, for example, with the migration of Mycenaean Greek sea people into the Southern Levant after being fended off by more robust Egypt, to become the Philistines.

During Bronze Age collapse and its immediate aftermath, the waves of migration and war in Europe and West Asia become intramural fights between Indo-European people beyond the standoff between the Bell Beaker Indo-Europeans in Western Europe (known for their archery) and their successors, and the Corded Ware people to their east in Europe and their successors (know for their battle axes), whose respective territories shifted only a little (most notably midway through the Bronze Age in the vicinity of Denmark) from about 2000 BCE to 1200 BCE.

As Bronze Age collapse struck, Anatolian Indo-Europeans and Greek Indo-Europeans fought the Trojan War until it all collapsed into the Greek Dark Ages. Around that time that the Greek dark ages ended and classical Greek civilization started to emerge, Celtic peoples expanded from somewhere around Czechia as far west as Ireland and as far southeast as Anatolia. As Europe and West Asia emerged from the dark ages, the Iron Age technologies that the Hittites has managed to prevent its neighbors from acquiring prior to Bronze Age collapse, became ubiquitous. Iron wasn't actually a superior metal for weapons to bronze, but it was easier to mass produce and almost as good (and in isolated communities in what is now Iran, high quality steel far superior to bronze or iron was invented, around 1000 BCE, only to be lost centuries later before it could be adopted by the Roman Empire or the Islamic Empire).

The Iron Age was followed by Greco-Roman classical civilization eventually leading to Greek conquests of West Asia up to India (only to ultimately lose most of this territory one way or another in several big installments), and to the Roman Empire at its peak that reached Hadrian's Wall in Britain, Romania, the Levant, Egypt, North Africa, Southern Europe, and Anatolia. This lasted until another climate event led to the Western Roman Empire's collapse. A century after Rome collapsed, the Islamic empire expanded into vast swaths of territory in North Africa, Southwest and West Asia, Iberia, Malta, and the Balkans and beyond into South Asia and Southeast Asia and the Sahel, while the Christian Byzantine empire held on for several more centuries as it gradually lost territory, until it fell entirely to what had morphed in several rounds of Islamic regime changes into an Ottoman Empire that absorbed and coopted into Islam, Turkic invaders with origins in Southeast Asia, with the little interruption of the Mongol Empire along the way.

While the Islamic empire expanded, non-Muslim Europe collapsed with Germanic, Slavic, and Uralic tribes roaming about Europe in the migration period (giving rise to Hungary whose Magyar rulers swiftly converted from being pagans to Christians), Charlemagne and feudal lords running Europe in a fig leaf of a Holy Roman Empire under the Pope and launching several largely futile Crusades into the Levant, Viking raiders plundered Europe and briefly settled in North American only to collapse there and retreat (one branch of Vikings became the founding dynasty of and rulers of Russia's slavs), the Mongol Empire spanning from Persia to Korea before collapsing in the 13th century, multiple waves of the Black Plague ravaging Europe from its source in the east, missionaries re-Christianizing Europe from Ireland to the east until the last pagans of Europe are in the Urals and almost everyone else has nominally become Catholic by the late 11th century CE, and monastic orders doing what they could to preserve classical civilization for the thousand years of the Middle Ages that ended with the Columbian Exchange as Iberians and other Europeans colonized the Americas, with the Renaissance that finally restored classical Roman levels of technology and social order, with the Protestant Reformation, and with the end of the Reconquest of Iberia from the Moors. I'll end this survey with the start of this early modern period around 1500 CE.

Now, I'm writing this post from memory, which is partially why I've left out some things, particularly in West Asia and the details in far Northeast Europe and North Asia. I've omitted the stories of the Armenians, the Kurds, and the Druze. I skipped the process by which the Sumerian language was replaced by a succession of Semitic languages in Southwest Asia and Mesopotamia's trade ties to the Indus Valley Civilization and the eastern coast of Africa. I haven't adequately covered the history of the Caucuses. I've left out the fairly well understood history of the Jewish people after the fall of the Second Temple around 70 CE and haven't said enough about the Phoenicians and the Punic people. I haven't discussed the rise of Christianity during the Roman Empire or the demise of Zoroastrianism and polytheistic paganism. I haven't explored the connections between the Jewish, Christian and Muslim accounts of Southwest Asia's history through the legendary histories of their holy texts and the historical realities. Nor have I discussed why the Bronze Age is so full of what I call "legendary history" that is a mix of fiction and fact in purportedly fictional accounts that is so predominant across cultures in this era. I've left out the expansion around the time of the domestication of the camel that gave rise to the Berber people. I've barely touched on the repopulation of Europe by hunter-gathers from basically three refuges after the Last Glacial Maximum. I haven't mentioned the Silk Road or the history of Central Asia before and after the Mongols. I didn't cover how pottery made its way from the coasts of China and Japan about 16,000 years ago, over thousands of year to produce the transition from the pre-pottery Neolithic in the Levant to the pottery Neolithic of Europe and the Levant, or how the Black Plague got to Europe. I omitted the trans-Saharan slave trade, and Roman, Greek, Egyptian, Anatolian, Germanic and Viking slavery practices.

But the point isn't to cover all of  the details. That would take a book, not a blog post. It is to provide an overarching framework into which the details can fit and be better understood. And, of course, this post only minimally touches upon history and pre-history become its title's West Eurasian scope, even though there was lots going on in the rest of the world which is much less well known. Africa, for example, didn't start to fall decisively behind the rest of the world technologically and economically until perhaps five or six hundred years ago, and it took quite a while before the gaps became as stark as they are today (a process that only really started in earnest around the time of the trans-Atlantic slave trade that started after the time period covered by this post).

Actually, to be honest, I'd started trying to frame the issues presented by the origins, cultures, and linguistic history of Greece, West Asia and Southwest Asia up through the early Iron Age, and ended up going a little further afield with a forward outlining Western Civilization from its earliest roots which would be about ten pages in print. I did touch on that and frame it in a narrative (admittedly one that is sometimes hotly contested by legitimate academics even in the present). But, I can refocus on that in a more detailed and referenced manner in a future post. 

A Quick Recap Regarding The Indo-European Languages

 

This post is pretty much entirely old news that I've blogged about previously. But every once and a while it is worth recapping the basics for folks who are new to the discussion (and quite frankly, I just haven't had the time lately to post in more depth about more up to date developments in this field).

The Indo-European Languages

More than 40% of humans alive today speak an Indo-European language as their mother tongue, some 3.4 billion people (and well north of 50% if you count second-language learners). The top ten are:

Spanish ~484 million

English ~390 million

Hindi ~345 million

Portuguese ~250 million

Bengali ~242 million

Russian ~145 million

Punjabi ~120 million

Marathi ~83 million

Urdu ~78 million

German ~76 million

Via Razib Khan

It is also worth noting that the 'Indo" part of "Indo-European", basically, languages derived from Sanskrit (formally known as the Indo-Aryan language family) as it existed ca. 1500 BCE, is a huge part of the total with about 868 million speakers (about 39% of the top ten) among the top ten Indo-European languages, compared to about 1365 million for European languages (including native speakers of versions of those languages spoken mostly in their New World colonies in North America and South America, and in Australia and New Zealand) among the top ten Indo-European languages. There are more Sanskrit derived language speakers in the top ten than there are Latin derived (Romance) language speakers in the top ten.

Where Did The Indo-European Languages Come From?

All Indo-European languages are derived from the Proto-Indo-European language spoken by about 10,000-20,000 people in what is now Ukraine, probably making up several tribes of people with a mixed herder-farmer form of subsistence, around 3000 BCE. 

Speculatively, Proto-Indo-European may have arisen from a fusion of the language of an early herder community in the region and an early farmer community in the reegion.

The Indo-European language expansion had a large demic component (i.e. it involved Indo-Europeans people replacing or demographically swamping existing populations), although the extent that this happened varied considerably, from about 90% replacement in the British Isles ca. 2500-2400 BCE, to less than 15% in parts of Southern India (where Indo-European languages are currently not widely spoken in daily life as a first language). 

Indo-European Languages In South Asia

In India, the Indo-European demic component in places where Dravidian languages are now the predominant native language, is probably the product of a first wave of Indo-European conquest that covered almost all of the Indian subcontinent and led to the extinction of most of the then existing Dravidian language. This conquest was then followed by a Dravidian reconquest of most of the formerly Dravidian linguistic territory by speakers of a sole surviving Dravidian language in a small area that managed to escape language shift at the hands of the Indo-Aryan conquerors. The reconquest kept the invader's proto-Hindu religion (maintained to this day by members of a broad Brahmin caste called a "varna" in South India, who have significant ancestry from those invaders), however, mostly intact but with regional influences. Subsequent waves of Indo-European people migrated to Northern India after this reconquest, but not to Southern India.

This explains why the last date of mass Indo-European admixture is older in Southern India than in Northern India (which is mostly Indo-European speaking), why the Dravidian language family looks so young despite the fact that the most plausible time for it to emerge is in the South Asian Neolithic Revolution ca. 2500 BCE (not all that different from the Proto-Indo-European language, despite the fact that the Indo-European language family that is far more diverse and has far more time depth), why Indo-European ancestry found across all of India but in varying proportions by location and caste, and why Indo-European language speaking Hindus are much more likely to be vegetarians than Dravidian language speaking Hindus (vegetarianism was one aspect of the invader's religion that didn't survive the Dravidian reconquest).

Their expansion is summarized in  broad brush without some of the finer details in the map above, which is generally accurate but subject to revision as new evidence from archaeology and ancient DNA and historical linguistics refines it. 

Indo-European Anatolian Languages.

Probably the most controversial part of the map pertains to how the Anatolian Indo-European languages (which are now extinct) relate to the other Indo-European languages. 

These languages are greatly diverged from other Indo-European languages (and there is not much Steppe ancestry in ancient DNA from Neolithic and Bronze Age Anatolia), which has led some historical linguists to try to come up with contorted theories to explain what seems like a very old date of divergence of the Anatolian languages from the other Indo-European languages, in the face of genetic evidence, ancient historical records from nearby areas, and archaeology, that don't seem to fit this narrative.

For example, some scholars think that the Indo-European languages originated in Anatolia in the Neolithic era and then had a secondary expansion to almost everywhere else sometime after 3000 BCE. This well-intentioned effort to fit the linguistic distinctiveness of the Anatolian languages to the other evidence is wrong.

In my informed but not credentialed opinion, the Indo-European languages originated on the Steppe, and one wave of Indo-European migrants travelled to Anatolia around 2000 BCE (at a time when Indo-Europeans were rapidly expanding in all directions due to a climate driven collapse of civilizations in Europe and India at the time). The Anatolian languages are more distinct from other Indo-European languages. But this is not because the time depth of their relationship is older. 

Instead, it is because unlike most other places that the Indo-European languages expanded to, the local copper age/early Bronze Age civilization in Anatolia has not collapsed to nearly the same extent, so the Anatolian languages spread more through elite dominance than demically, and the Anatolian languages had a stronger substrate influence from the Hattic language spoken in the region before it was conquered by an Indo-European elite in the centuries following 2000 BCE from a couple of modest Indo-European villages, in a process of conquest that is historically attested that ultimately gave rise to a Hittite empire. Most historically attested Indo-European Anatolian languages are known only after the Hittite language fractured after the Hittite Empire collapsed in the regional phenomena known as Bronze Age collapse, ca. 1200 BCE, in a process similar to the fragmentation of the Romance languages after the fall of the Roman Empire. Only two or three of the Anatolian languages (including Hittite) predate this fragmentation.

The Anatolian languages also seem more distinct because the substrate languages for Indo-European languages in Europe were all part of the same Neolithic Paleo-European language family of the first farmers of Europe (who largely replaced early European hunter-gatherers), derived from their common origins in Western Anatolia (before Anatolia experienced a language shift in the Copper Age or early Bronze Age as invaders from the Caucuses and Western Asian highlands conquered its Neolithic civilization).

Some of what looks like shared Indo-European roots in European Indo-European languages is really the product of a shared Paleo-European linguistic substrate that is absent in the Anatolian languages and Tocharian languages (which are the most diverged from other European language causing some linguists to assume that the greater divergence represented greater time depth of the divergence).

The Tocharian language family

Another, less intense controversy in Indo-European historical linguistics is how the extinct Tocharian language family fits into the overall picture.

The Tocharian languages, attested in written form and spoken historically in the Tarim Basin of Central Asia, is the attested Indo-European language family that is probably most conservative with respect to Proto-Indo-European. This is because it experienced far less contact with other languages and had almost no substrate influence as the Tocharians moved into basically unoccupied territory. In the same way and for the same reasons, Icelandic is the most conservative Germanic language, the Spanish of the American Southwest is the most conservative Spanish dialect, and the Appalachian English dialect is closest in pronunciation to Shakespearian English. 

In my own life, I've personally seen that the Korean language dialect of Korean migrants to the U.S. is more conservative than that of Koreans who stayed in Korea. Languages evolve most slowly at the frontiers if they have limited language contract with other languages (something that obviously isn't true of second generation and later Korean language speakers in the U.S., of course).

The Climate Driven Narrative Of The Prehistory of India

 

These maps are useful in shedding light on the prehistory of India. 

The Harappans

The Gangetic plain is predominantly in the temperate zone which has the highest population density in India and the most agriculturally oriented economy. 

This region had agriculture very early on, probably no later than 4000 BCE and possibly sooner, initially using Fertile Crescent Neolithic crops, via the Caucuses and Iran in its formative era, whose migrating farmers account for a significant share of the genetic roots of of the Indus Valley Civilization (a.k.a. the Harappan civilization a.k.a. the Meluhha). The Harappan civilization later adopted rice as a crop as well, via Austroasiatic migrants from Southeast Asia who gave rise to the Munda languages of India, ca. 2000 BCE.

We know from well dated residues on Harappan pots, by the way, that curry was a Harappan invention that predated the Indo-Aryans and the Munda people.

The prevailing view is that Harappan society was united politically, perhaps in a federation of city-states, and was largely free of war or fortifications, apart from some trade outposts on its frontiers, until it collapsed. It has relatively modern plumbing for the Bronze Age and its cities lack obviously palatial complexes, that one might associate with a more hierarchal society dominated by local kings who simply enriched themselves. 

Harappan society had its own script. The majority view is that this was a proto-script used for accounting and trade purposes, similar to the Vinca script in the Neolithic Balkans and the earliest Sumerian cuneiform inscriptions, but not a full fledged written language.

Harappans had trade connections to Sumeria, where they had a historically attested trade colony, and based on those records, know that the Harappans called themselves the Meluhha. 

Meluḫḫa or Melukhkha (Sumerian: 𒈨𒈛𒄩𒆠 Me-luḫ-ḫaKI) is the Sumerian name of a prominent trading partner of Sumer during the Middle Bronze Age. . . . most scholars associate it with the Indus Valley Civilisation. . . . Sumerian texts repeatedly refer to three important centers with which they traded: Magan, Dilmun, and Meluhha. The Sumerian location of Magan is now accepted to be the area currently encompassing the United Arab Emirates and Oman. Dilmun was a Persian Gulf civilization which traded with Mesopotamian civilizations. The current scholarly consensus is that Dilmun encompassed Bahrain, Failaka Island and the adjacent coast of Eastern Arabia in the Persian Gulf.

The Harappans also had trade (and possibly a sphere of influence) in the adjacent region of Central Asia known as the BMAC (for Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex a.k.a. Oxus culture).

The BMAC culture (ca. 2400 BCE to 1700 BCE with some dispute over the dates on each end of this range) was wedged between the Indo-European Andronovo culture (ca. 2000 BCE to 1150 BCE) and the terminal Harappan/Indo-Aryan transition Cemetery H (ca. 1900 BCE to 1300 BCE), and Painted Gray Ware (ca. 1300 BCE to 300 BCE) cultures. 

The BMAC would have fallen to Indo-European advances before the Indo-Aryans arrived in what remained of the Harappan region, and before the proto-Indo-Iranians arrived in Iran.

The Yaz culture, which had previously been part of the BMAC cultural region, was abruptly replace by an Indo-Iranian early Iron Age culture around 1500 BCE, and is a likely source of the Avestan language and what became the Zoroastrian religion associated with it. The Yaz culture persisted until it was absorbed by the Achaemenid Empire in the 300s BCE.

The Ghaggar-Hakra river f.k.a. the Saraswati River, which features prominently in the Rig Vedas, once coursed through what is now arid Indian steppe along the dashed orange route shown in the map above. Its now mostly dry bed is the home of many Harappan ruins.

But, the Saraswati River dried up around 2000 BCE, as part of a major climate event which made the region more arid that stretched, at a minimum from Egypt to India, and caused the Middle Bronze Age Late Harappan society to collapse.

As explained, for example, in Sujay Rao Mandavilli, "The Demise of the Dravidian, Vedic and Paramunda Indus Hypotheses: A brief explanation as to why these three Hypotheses are no longer tenable" SSRN (August 25, 2020) and the sources cited therein:

Dravidian languages, Sanskrit or Paramunda languages could not have been candidates for the [language of the] Indus Valley Civilization which flourished from 2600 BC to 1900 BC in the North-West of India and Pakistan.

If anything, the evidence that none of these three historical linguistic hypotheses can be supported by the evidence is stronger now than it was twenty-five years ago. 

Like the Paleo-European languages (of which the only survivor is Basque), the Harappan language can probably never be fully reconstructed, even if we can glean some knowledge of it from inscriptions in Harappan script, and from substrate influences in Sanskrit and related languages, and areal influences on the Munda languages.

The Indo-Aryans

The Indo-Aryans, who had wheeled chariots and domesticated horses, and were used to a more arid climate, rushed in to fill the political vacuum. They may have had some farming, or may have ruled subject societies of farmers, but were ancestrally herders.

The Indo-Aryans arrived from Central Asia, ca. 2000 BCE - 1500 BCE, bringing with them Sanskrit, that later diversified into the various Indo-European languages of South Asia. The language of the Indo-Aryans extinguished the Harappan language as anything but a substrate influence on Sanskrit.

Another branch of the same people at about the same time gave rise to the oldest Indo-Iranians and the Mittani Kingdom in Northeast Mesopotamia in mostly what is now Iran. 

We know that Indo-Aryans were the conquerors and not the conquered, because Indo-Aryan genes are more common in higher castes in India, and because these genes have origins (confirmed with ancient DNA) from outside the Indian sub-continent.

The religion of the Indo-Aryan migrants and the Harappan religion mutually influenced each other to produce the early Vedic religion, that would eventually give rise to modern Hinduism. But, given the differences between the Vedic religion and the religions that emerged in other places that the Indo-Europeans conquered, and the Rig Vedic references to things like the Saraswati river societies that were gone or almost gone by the time that the Indo-Aryans arrived, we know that the Indo-Aryan religious tradition and the Harappan religious tradition both influenced the fused religion that emerged from their fused culture.

Genetic evidence tells us that more than one wave of Indo-Aryan migration affected the area of India where Indo-Aryan languages are now spoken.

The Dravidians

The monsoon driven tropical region (in a medium blue on the first map), that makes up most of Southern India, didn't adopt agriculture until the South Indian Neolithic revolution, around 2500 BCE, had significant reliance upon crops domesticated in the African Sahel, and even then, wasn't as optimal for agriculture. The Fertile Crescent package of crops wasn't naturally suited to this climate region and it took many centuries for these crops, under the close guidance of early farmers, to adapt to this tropical monsoon driven climate.

The Dravidian language family probably has its roots in the South Indian Neolithic revolution, probably from one of the South Asian hunter-gatherer population that was one of the first to adopt agriculture, possibly with some linguistic influence from the Africans who brought the Sahel African crops that made this Neolithic Revolution possible.

While the Harappan society had trading posts at the fringe of what was Dravidian India at the time, mostly along the northwest coast of the Deccan peninsula, the Harappans almost surely did not speak a Dravidian language and had only thin trade ties with Dravidian society.

The first wave of Indo-Aryan migration reached the Dravidian society, leaving traces in genetic admixture found in lower amounts in almost everyone in India, even Dravidians. In this initial wave, the fused Vedic religion took hold (although the preference for vegetarianism found among the formerly Harappan regions did not), and all but a small core of this region probably experienced language shift, with their local Dravidian dialects going extinct. The Dravidian society on the eve of the Indo-Aryan arrival was not as technologically advanced as the Harappan one, but also may not have been in as advanced a state of collapse as the Harappan civilization. The climate event that impacted the Harappans so decisively, may not have affected their part of the Deccan peninsula so strongly. 

But in Southern India, the Indo-Aryans were spread thin, were in an eco-region less familiar to them, and less completely dominated the Dravidian society. The core region )probably within the region where Telugu is now spoken) that held out expanded and reconquered almost all of the former Dravidian territory, bringing its sole surviving Dravidian dialect with it (which is why the Dravidian language family seems much younger than one that stretches back to the South Indian Neolithic). But this reconquest never ended up replacing the Vedic religion that had replaced or absorbed its own religion (which may not have been as well-developed as the Harappan religion, and arose in an illiterate society). Unlike Northern India, which had multiple waves of Indo-Aryan migration, no later big wave of Indo-Aryan migration followed the Dravidian reconquest of Southern India.

The geographic range of the Dravidian languages prior to the arrival of the Indo-Aryans was probably wider than it is today, possibly extending to the fringes of the Indus River Valley civilization, as indicated by toponyms in these regions.

But, the North Dravidian languages (Brahui in what is now Pakistan, and the Kurukh-Malto languages of Northeast India), were probably not part of the original Dravidian language range and were the product of much later colonizations (probably around 1000 CE in the case of Brahui, where it was spoken as a result of an elite driven language shift, similar to the one that occurred at about the same time in what is now Hungary, rather than a mass migration of Dravidians to the region). Oral traditions among the Krukh-Malto peoples, at least, assign their origins to Dravidian homelands further south.

Population Replacement In The Columbian Highlands

In Europe, the first farmers of Europe, derived from Western Anatolian farmers, largely replaced Europe's original hunter-gatherers (who actually show continuity between the periods before and immediately after the Last Glacial Maximum), and in turn, received very substantial genetic admixture from late Copper Age/early Bronze Age Indo-Europeans from more or less where Ukraine is today. This diluted both first farmer ancestry, and the already highly diluted European hunter-gather ancestry that was admixed into those first farmer populations. In some places, like Britain, the population replacement of first farmers by Indo-Europeans was nearly complete.

Something similar apparently happened in East and Southeast Asia.

A new study established that the Americas did not break from this pattern, with some of its early agriculturists replacing pre-existing hunter-gatherer populations in a similarly genocidal pattern. If anything, this replacement was even more complete.

Sometime between 4000 BCE and 0 CE, in the Columbian highlands, probably coinciding with a new archaeological culture whose artifacts appear around 1000 BCE to 800 BCE, a millennium after maize cultivation began around 1800 BCE (but possibly before the full blown ceramic culture emerged), a clade of indigenous South American hunter-gatherers (with ancestry dating back to the initial wave of human settlement of South America) were replaced by a different group of indigenous South Americans.

The 1800 BCE date is from A. Gómez, et al., "A Holocene pollen record of vegetation change and human impact from Pantano de Vargas, an intra-Andean basin of Duitama, Colombia." 145 Rev. Palaeobot. Palynol. 143–157 (2007) (full paper available here), and really only definitively points to deforestation and Amaranth cultivation at that point in the highlands of Columbia.

From Wikipedia.

The population that replaced them, which is genetically linked to the speakers of Chibchan languages and probably originated in Central America, has remained the dominant population of the region in genetic continuity with their ancestors since this population replacement occurred, although later populations admixed with them and brought new languages in some parts of the region. 

There is no evidence that anyone from the pre-agricultural, pre-ceramic culture that was replaced in the Columbian highlands survived, or even significantly admixed with surviving populations.

The new agriculturalist culture did not really come into its own archaeologically until 1000 BCE to 800 BCE, so we can't know for sure if the replacement took place suddenly (although the lack of admixture between the new and old populations suggests that it did) or more gradually, or how long after maize cultivation, a thousand years earlier than this culture's pots appeared, the population replacement happened. 

Conservatively, it happened in some short time period between 1800 BCE and 800 BCE (about 3,000 to 4,000 years after it happened in Europe). Realistically, it probably happened on the later side of that time range when other components of the emerging farmer culture, like pottery and possibly other key domesticated plants and/or animals, joined with improved maize cultivation to give rise to a technologically dominant new culture.

The introduction and discussion sections of a new study released May 28, 2025 in the journal Scientific Advances by Kim-Louise Krettek, et al., explain that:

Genetic studies on ancient and present-day Indigenous populations have substantially contributed to the understanding of the settlement of the Americas. Those studies revealed that the population ancestral to non-Arctic Native Americans derives from a genetic admixture between ancient East Asian and Siberian groups somewhere in North-East Asia before 20,000 years before the present (yr B.P.). Around 16,000 yr B.P., after its arrival in North America, this genetic ancestry split into two lineages known as northern Native American and southern Native American. While northern Native American ancestry is largely confined to ancient and current populations of North America, the southern Native American lineage expanded further south and constitutes the main ancestry component of ancient and present-day Indigenous South Americans. 

Southern Native American ancestry diversified within North America into at least three sublineages, i.e., one related to the Clovis-associated Anzick-1 individual from western Montana (USA), one found in ancient California Channel Islands individuals and the last one representing the main ancestry source of modern-day Central and South Americans.  

Each of these sublineages provided a wave of ancestry into the gene pool of ancient South Americans. Individuals from Chile and Brazil dating back to around 12,000 and 10,000 yr B.P., respectively, were more genetically related to the Anzick-1 genome than individuals from the eastern Southern American coast, Southern Cone and the Andes from 10,000 yr B.P. onward. In addition, the California Channel Islands ancestry was found in the Central Andes by 4200 yr B.P. and became widespread in the region thereafter. However, the exact timing of these population movements into the southern subcontinent remains largely unsolved to date. 

The Isthmo-Colombian area, stretching from the coast of Honduras to the northern Colombian Andes, is critical to understanding the peopling of the Americas. Besides being the land bridge between North and South America, it is at the center of the three major cultural regions of Mesoamerica, Amazonia, and the Andes. At the time of European contact, the region was inhabited by a complex mosaic of human populations, mainly speakers of Chibchan, Chocoan, Carib, and Arawakan languages. 

Among those populations, those who were speakers of Chibchan languages were the most widespread in the region in terms of demography, cultural diversity, and territorial distribution. Chibchan is a language family with multiple, highly distinct branches, many of which are still spoken today in different regions of the Isthmo-Colombian area. The homeland and antiquity of the Proto-Chibchan language and the ancestor of all Chibchan languages remain subjects of debate. High intrafamily variation in terms of lexicon and grammar suggests that the language family is ancient and began diversifying several thousand years ago. The locus of that incipient diversification, however, is still uncertain. Most scholars believe that this protolanguage began to diversify in Lower Central America, where the largest number of these languages is spoken today. However, some evidence suggests that Proto-Chibchan might have originated in South America and then diversified in Central America at a much later date. 

Genetic studies of ancient and present-day Isthmo-Colombian Indigenous populations revealed a distinctive ancestry component primarily associated with speakers of Chibchan languages. However, whereas mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) studies suggested a migration of Chibchan-related ancestry from Central America into Colombia and Venezuela, genome-wide studies favored an opposite, south-to-north population movement. According to the latter model, speakers of Chibchan languages from Central America are not direct descendants of the first settlers in the region but, instead, derive from a more recent back migration from South to Central America. 

The southernmost region of the Isthmo-Colombian area is the Altiplano Cundiboyacense (hereafter Altiplano). This plateau with an average altitude of 2600 m in the Eastern Cordillera of the Colombian Andes was inhabited by ancient hunter-gatherer groups from the Late Pleistocene. During the Early and Middle Holocene phases of the Preceramic period (~11,500 to 4000 yr B.P.), populations on the Altiplano underwent multiple cultural transformations, most notably increased sedentism and a transition from a hunter-gatherer subsistence to the introduction of horticultural practices and forest management. However, it was not until the early Late Holocene, ~3800 yr B.P., that the first clear evidence of maize cultivation appeared. 

During the subsequent Formative period (~3000 to 1000 yr B.P.), a distinct type of pottery emerged on the Altiplano that is referred to as the Herrera ceramic complex, also known in the literature as the Herrera period (2800 to 1200 yr B.P.). It is still highly debated whether Herrera-associated groups on the Altiplano derived from an in situ development of local hunter-gatherers or were a consequence of population dispersals into the region. 

Around 1200 yr B.P., a cultural phase, known as the Muisca period, began on the Altiplano and lasted until the imposition of the Hispanic Colonial regime in the mid-16th century. Most available evidence is suggestive of population continuity with the preceding Herrera period. The Muisca period is characterized by a relatively continuous process of demographic growth, development of agriculture and trade, and social and political complexification. These factors played a considerable role in shaping the Muisca culture and gave rise to the Chibchan-speaking population that dominated the Altiplano until European colonization. 

While several studies have reported mtDNA data from ancient Colombian individuals, genome-wide data from this region are still entirely lacking to date. In this study, we generated mtDNA and genome-wide data of 21 ancient individuals from two areas of the Altiplano (Bogotá plateau and Los Curos). Our data, spanning a time transect between around 6000 and 500 yr B.P., provide an opportunity to explore several key questions: 

(i) Which southern Native American genetic ancestry do Preceramic individuals from the Altiplano derive from? 

(ii) Were the cultural transformations associated with the Herrera and Muisca periods accompanied by migrations and demographic changes? 

(iii) How is the genetic ancestry observed in speakers of Chibchan languages related to that of ancient individuals from the Altiplano? 

(iv) What are the genetic relationships between the generated ancient genomes and the existing genomic data of present-day Indigenous communities from Colombia and neighboring regions?

In this study, we generated genome-wide data from 21 individuals spanning a time transect of almost 6000 years from the Altiplano, which represents the southern edge of the Isthmo-Colombian area. Our findings contribute to a better understanding of the population history of this area, a key region in the peopling process of South America. We show that the hunter-gatherer population from the Altiplano dated to around 6000 yr B.P. lack the genetic ancestry related to the Clovis-associated Anzick-1 genome and to ancient California Channel Island individuals, suggesting their affiliation to the southern Native American lineage that became the primary source of ancestry of South Americans by 9000 yr B.P. 

However, unlike ancient genomes from the Andes and the Southern Cone that are associated with the same wave of ancestry, the analyzed Preceramic individuals from Colombia do not share distinct affinity with any ancient or modern-day population from Central and South America studied to date. Colombia_Checua_6000BP can thus be modeled as a previously undescribed distinct lineage deriving from the radiation event that gave rise to multiple populations across South America during its initial settlement. 

The cultural transition between the Preceramic and Herrera periods is associated with a seemingly complete replacement of the local genetic profile. This challenges the model where local hunter-gatherers developed in situ as suggested by morphometric studies and an ancient mtDNA time transect. Instead, our study provides evidence for a major genetic turnover on the Altiplano occurring after 6000 yr B.P. but before 2000 yr B.P. Since the mechanisms and precise temporal scale of this replacement event remain uncertain, we cannot directly associate it with the emergence of maize cultivation ~3800 yr B.P. However, our data do support the archaeological hypothesis that the introduction of pottery associated with the Herrera ceramic complex was mediated through population dispersals. 

Our results show that the incoming genetic ancestry on the Altiplano is related to ancient and present-day populations speaking Chibchan languages from Central America. This can be explained most parsimoniously by Chibchan-related migrations from Lower Central America to South America, rather than back-migration to the isthmus. 

A separate study found evidence for a previously unknown south-to-north expansion of Chibchan-related ancestry from Lower Central America into the Mayan territories of Belize by 5600 yr B.P. Therefore, rather than modeling Central American populations associated with Chibchan languages as deriving from a mixture between North and South American ancestries, these results are consistent with an origin of Chibchan-related ancestries in Lower Central America, followed by bidirectional gene flow toward both Meso- and South America. This model of an original “Chibchan homeland” in Central America is supported not only by mtDNA studies on present-day populations who speak Chibchan languages but also from linguistic observations, indicating that the isthmus region exhibits the highest diversity within this language family. 

From an archaeological perspective, the Chibchan-related ancestry is first identified in 2000-year-old individuals associated with Herrera ceramics. In addition, previously sequenced Ceramic-associated individuals from Venezuela dated to 2400 yr B.P. also showed a high affinity to Central American populations speaking Chibchan languages. Despite the similar ancestry pattern and temporal frame, the two populations do not appear to form a simple sister group. This could be in line with linguistic evidence that suggests multiple, distinct Chibchan language expansions into South America, but additional studies will be necessary to further clarify this issue. 

After the arrival of the Chibchan-related ancestry, which completely reshaped the genetic landscape of the region, we find evidence of a long period of genetic continuity in the genetic profile of the local populations for over 1500 years (from at least 2000 to 500 yr B.P.). The stability in genetic ancestry encompasses the end of the Herrera period and the beginning of the Muisca period. This points to a scenario in which populations speaking languages from the Chibchan lineage would have settled the Altiplano before the emergence of traits normally associated with the Muisca culture, and it shows that this cultural transition took place without a substantial migration from regions with a distinct genetic ancestry composition. In addition, such a genetic continuity extends through different cultural phases within the Muisca period and persists until the Spanish colonization. Colonial linguistic documentation established that Muisca people spoke a now extinct Chibchan language. Our findings not only confirm their genetic link with speakers of Chibchan languages from Central America but also suggest that ancestral Chibchan languages, possibly basal to the Magdalenic branch that gave rise to the documented Muisca language, might have already been spoken on the Altiplano during the pre-Muisca Herrera period. 

While the representation of Indigenous populations in our dataset is certainly not exhaustive, the observed spatial pattern in the genetic affinity of post-2000 yr B.P. ancient Colombians with present-day Indigenous populations raises questions regarding the uneven distribution of populations speaking Chibchan languages across the Isthmo-Colombian area at the time of the Hispanic colonization, also referred to as a Chibchan “archipelago”. 

One possible explanation is that this distribution resulted from separate dispersals from Central America to different locations of northern South America rather than a single expansion wave, as suggested by the internal branching pattern of the Chibchan language family. However, it is also possible that the initial spread was more widespread and got later fragmented by post-Chibchan migration and admixture events. The observation that Chibchan-affiliated populations from northern Colombia have a significantly reduced genetic affinity to post-2000–yr B.P. ancient Colombians than to Lower Central Americans supports the role of population admixture in shaping the genetic diversity of northern South America.

Also, while the earlier South American hunter-gatherer clade that went extinct probably dated to the founding wave of the modern humans in South America, they did not have notable Australasian or Melanesian ancestry, disfavoring the existence of a dramatically genetically distinct founding population of the Americas that preceded the main founding wave of modern humans and has Australasian or Melanesian genetic affinities that ancient.

Ancient UP Agriculture

Drone based LIDAR has made a major new find in North America:

A new study has found that a thickly forested sliver of Michigan’s Upper Peninsula is the most complete ancient agricultural location in the eastern United States. The Sixty Islands archaeological site is recognized as the ancestral home of the Menominee Nation. Known to the members of the tribe as Anaem Omot (Dog’s Belly), the area is a destination of pilgrimage, where remains of the settlement date to as far back as 8,000 B.C.

Located along a two-mile stretch of the Menominee River, Sixty Islands is defined by its cold temperatures, poor soil quality and short growing season. Although the land has long been considered unsuitable for farming, an academic paper published on Thursday in the journal Science revealed that the Menominee’s forbears cultivated vast fields of corn and potentially other crops there.

From the New York Times.

I'll update if time permits after reading the full paper.

Alexander The Great's "Fish Eaters"

Sailing thence they sailed without stop all night andday, and after a voyage of eleven hundred stades they got past the country of the Fish-eaters, where they had been much distressed by want of food. They did not moor near shore, for there was a long line of surf, but at anchor, in the open. The length of the voyage along the coast of the Fish-eaters is a little above ten thousand stades. 

These Fish-eaters live on fish; and hence their name; only a few of them fish, for only a few have proper boats and have any skill in the art of catching fish; but for the most part it is the receding tide which provides their catch. 

Some have made nets also for this kind of fishing; most of them about two stades in length. They make the nets from the bark of the date-palm, twisting the bark like twine. And when the sea recedes and the earth is left, where the earth remains dry it has no fish, as a rule; but where there are hollows, some of the water remains, and in this a large number of fish, mostly small, but some large ones too. They throw their nets over these and so catch them. 

They eat them raw, just as they take them from the water, that is, the more tender kinds; the larger ones, which are tougher, they dry in the sun till they are quite sere and then pound them and make a flour and bread of them; others even make cakes of this flour. Even their flocks are fed on the fish, dried; for the country has no meadows and produces no grass. 

They collect also in many places crabs and oysters and shell-fish. There are natural salts in the country; from these they make oil. Those of them who inhabit the desert parts of their country, treeless as it is and with no cultivated parts, find all their sustenance in the fishing but a few of them sow part of their district, using the corn as a relish to the fish, for the fish form their bread. 

The richest among them have built huts; they collect the bones of any large fish which the sea casts up, and use them in place of beams. Doors they make from any flat bones which they can pick up. But the greater part of them, and the poorer sort, have huts made from the fishes' backbones.

Arrian, Indica, 29 via this Wikipedia article.

Note that the word translated as "corn" is a reference to the original European plant with that name, and not to New World Maize that which came to be known by the name of the original European plant, which only arrived 1800 years later than this account.

Agriculture Phonetically Changed Human Languages

Agriculture changes the teeth of the first farmers and that changes what they could pronounce, which changed how their languages sounded. 

The shift to processed foods following the spread of agriculture led to less wear on human teeth, altering jaw growth and making slight overbites common in adults. This anatomical change facilitated the pronunciation of labiodental sounds like “f” and “v,” which contributed to language diversification in Europe and Asia around 4,000 years ago. Linguist Balthasar Bickel, in a 2019 Science paper, linked these phonetic developments to changes like the Proto-Indo-European patēr evolving into Old English faeder about 1,500 years ago. This research suggests that cultural shifts can influence human biology in ways that affect language, an idea supported by evolutionary morphologist Noreen Von Cramon-Taubadel, who was not involved in the study.

From the Archaeologist page on Facebook discussing 

Damián E Blasi, Steven Moran, Scott R Moisik, Paul Widmer, Dan Dediu, Balthasar Bickel, "Human sound systems are shaped by post-Neolithic changes in bite configuration" 363 (6432) Science eaav3218 (March 15, 2019). 

The abstract and related prefatory material in the source article are as follows:

The first fricatives 

In 1985, the linguist Charles Hockett proposed that the use of teeth and jaws as tools in hunter-gatherer populations makes consonants produced with lower lip and upper teeth (“f” and “v” sounds) hard to produce. He thus conjectured that these sounds were a recent innovation in human language. Blasi et al. combined paleoanthropology, speech sciences, historical linguistics, and methods from evolutionary biology to provide evidence for a Neolithic global change in the sound systems of the world's languages. Spoken languages have thus been shaped by changes in the human bite configuration owing to changes in dietary and behavioral practices since the Neolithic.

Structured Abstract 

INTRODUCTION 

Human speech manifests itself in spectacular diversity, ranging from ubiquitous sounds such as “m” and “a” to the rare click consonants in some languages of southern Africa. This range is generally thought to have been fixed by biological constraints since at least the emergence of Homo sapiens. At the same time, the abundance of each sound in the languages of the world is commonly taken to depend on how easy the sound is to produce, perceive, and learn. This dependency is also regarded as fixed at the species level. 

RATIONALE 

Given this dependency, we expect that any change in the human apparatus for production, perception, or learning affects the probability—or even the range—of the sounds that languages have. Paleoanthropological evidence suggests that the production apparatus has undergone a fundamental change of just this kind since the Neolithic. Although humans generally start out with vertical and horizontal overlap in their bite configuration (overbite and overjet, respectively), masticatory exertion in the Paleolithic gave rise to an edge-to-edge bite after adolescence. Preservation of overbite and overjet began to persist long into adulthood only with the softer diets that started to become prevalent in the wake of agriculture and intensified food processing. We hypothesize that this post-Neolithic decline of edge-to-edge bite enabled the innovation and spread of a new class of speech sounds that is now present in nearly half of the world’s languages: labiodentals, produced by positioning the lower lip against the upper teeth, such as in “f” or “v.” 

RESULTS 

Biomechanical models of the speech apparatus show that labiodentals incur about 30% less muscular effort in the overbite and overjet configuration than in the edge-to-edge bite configuration. This difference is not present in similar articulations that place the upper lip, instead of the teeth, against the lower lip (as in bilabial “m,” “w,” or “p”). Our models also show that the overbite and overjet configuration reduces the incidental tooth/lip distance in bilabial articulations to 24 to 70% of their original values, inviting accidental production of labiodentals. The joint effect of a decrease in muscular effort and an increase in accidental production predicts a higher probability of labiodentals in the language of populations where overbite and overjet persist into adulthood. When the persistence of overbite and overjet in a population is approximated by the prevalence of agriculturally produced food, we find that societies described as hunter-gatherers indeed have, on average, only about one-fourth the number of labiodentals exhibited by food-producing societies, after controlling for spatial and phylogenetic correlation. When the persistence is approximated by the increase in food-processing technology over the history of one well-researched language family, Indo-European, we likewise observe a steady increase of the reconstructed probability of labiodental sounds, from a median estimate of about 3% in the proto-language (6000 to 8000 years ago) to a presence of 76% in extant languages. 

CONCLUSION 

Our findings reveal that the transition from prehistoric foragers to contemporary societies has had an impact on the human speech apparatus, and therefore on our species’ main mode of communication and social differentiation: spoken language.

Atri's Eclipse

This paper on ancient astronomy is relevant to dating the Rig Veda itself, and by association, the timing of the Indo-Aryan migration to India. 

The dates that are proposed are very early compared to estimates of the timing of the Rig Veda from other sources, which could reflect an oral tradition from either the pre-existing Indo-Iranian (which is associated with the the early Andronovo culture of ca. 2000 BCE) or Harappan cultures. 

It could reflect misanalysis by the authors of the "legendary history" described in the Rig Veda, which could correspond to knowledge of the existence of solar ellipses and a fictional invention with religiously or symbolically important dates (at a time when nobody could confirm the account), and not to a particular actual solar ellipse in India with the timing relative to the equinoxes described.

The earliest written reference in Indian astronomy to a total solar eclipse is in the Rig Veda where Rishi Atri is said to have demolished the asura Swarbhanu to liberate the Sun from a total solar eclipse. 

The Rig Veda describes the occurrence of the eclipse, how the Sun suddenly disappeared in the daytime under the spell of the Asura. The people and gods were scared but the Great Sage Atri saved the Sun and restored his full glory. While discussing the eclipse, Tilak refers to the eclipse as having occurred when the Vernal Equinox was in Orion and three days before the Autumnal Equinox. 

Based on these data, we identify Atris eclipse as the one that occurred on 22 October 4202 BC or on 19 October 3811 BC.

Mayank Vahia, Misturu Soma, "An examination of "Atri's Eclipse" as described in the Rig Veda" arXiv:2407.19733 (July 29, 2024). This is a post-print of 26 (2) Journal of Astronomical History and Heritage 405-410 (2023).

The introduction in the body text notes that:

The Rig Veda is one of the oldest known documents. It dates from 1500 BC, when its contents were assimilated and formalised on the basis of traditions of different schools of thought. It was essentially a summary of various religious ideas and philosophies, as well as their image of the world and its working as understood at that time. It comprises a set of 10 books associated with 10 different groups of priests who assimilated different aspects of the prevailing belief systems (see Dalal, 2014; Donigar, 1984). The writing style in the Rig Veda is highly poetic and abstract, and sometimes it is difficult to understand. It also requires some experience in order to interpret it.

While the Rig Veda dates from 1500 BC, there is a significant amount of evidence that it incorporates memories of events that were much further back in time. For example, it discusses events when the Vernal Equinox was in Orion, which occurred around 4500 BC, while the final reference to the Vernal Equinox in the Rig Veda relates to its being in the Pleiades, which happened in 2230 BC.

There are various other astronomical references in the Rig Veda, and one of these refers to a solar eclipse, which is the subject of this paper.

For the sake of argument, assuming that the Rig Veda is indeed referring to real historical events when it talks about where the equinoxes are (and that the means of determining which constellation is associated with an equinox), it could also help determine which part of of the hybrid culture that produced Hinduism in India, i.e. the Indo-Iranian tradition or the Harappan tradition, is the predominant source for the Rig Veda.

The dates suggested for Atri's Eclipse coincide roughly with the time at which the Proto-Indo-European language emerged. But this seems like a better fit to more sedentary and agricultural early Indus Valley civilization (the strict sense IVC dates to 3300 BCE, but agricultural societies in continuity with it were present there from 6500 BCE), which would have been expected to have better astronomy in that time frame. The more pastoral initial Proto-Indo-European society would be expected to have less advanced astronomy at that time. So, the Rig Veda could recount Harappan oral traditions (it had some writing, but the Harappan script was probably not a full written language) translated from the Harappan language into Sanskrit.

Another hint could be derived from comparing the Avesta, in the Avestan language, with the Rig Veda, written in Sanskrit. Where something is present in both, like the drug soma, it is likely to derive from a shared Indo-Iranian tradition. Where  something is only found in the Rig Veda with no parallel in the Avesta it is more likely to have Harappan origins. But, the Avesta was compiled much later than the Rig Veda so a great deal of the Indo-Iranian tradition might have been lost or deliberately omitted by Zoroaster (who by tradition is its author) at that point in the 500s BCE. The oldest part of the Avesta, the 17 hymns called the Gathas written in Old Avestan comprise only about 6,000 words in 238 stanzas and have linguistic and cultural similarities to the Rig Veda, which has 1,028 hymns with 10,600 verses.

The Rig Veda and the historic religion of the Indo-Europeans were both polytheistic, while Zoroastrianism is usually characterized as dualistic. We know, however, that significant parts of what became the Hindu religious tradition deviated for the common Indo-European source of the religious traditions of the Norse, the Greeks, and the Romans, for example, and also have no source in Egyptian mythology. These deviations are plausibly attributed to Harappan sources.

The Wikipedia article on the Rig Veda is suggestive of a more Indo-Iranian than Harappan society, and states that:

The Rigveda offers no direct evidence of social or political systems in the Vedic era, whether ordinary or elite. Only hints such as cattle raising and horse racing are discernible, and the text offers very general ideas about the ancient Indian society. There is no evidence, state Jamison and Brereton, of any elaborate, pervasive or structured caste system. Social stratification seems embryonic, then and later a social ideal rather than a social reality.  

The society was semi-nomadic and pastoral with evidence of agriculture since hymns mention plow and celebrate agricultural divinities. There was division of labor and a complementary relationship between kings and poet-priests but no discussion of a relative status of social classes.  

Women in the Rigveda appear disproportionately as speakers in dialogue hymns, both as mythical or divine Indrani, Apsaras Urvasi, or Yami, as well as Apāla Ātreyī (RV 8.91), Godhā (RV 10.134.6), Ghoṣā Kākṣīvatī (RV 10.39.40), Romaśā (RV 1.126.7), Lopāmudrā (RV 1.179.1–2), Viśvavārā Ātreyī (RV 5.28), Śacī Paulomī (RV 10.159), Śaśvatī Āṅgirasī (RV 8.1.34). The women of the Rigveda are quite outspoken and appear more sexually confident than men, in the text. Elaborate and aesthetic hymns on wedding suggest rites of passage had developed during the Rigvedic period. There is little evidence of dowry and no evidence of sati in it or related Vedic texts.

The Rigvedic hymns mention rice and porridge, in hymns such as 8.83, 8.70, 8.77 and 1.61 in some versions of the text; however, there is no discussion of rice cultivation.  

The term áyas (metal) occurs in the Rigveda, but it is unclear which metal it was. Iron is not mentioned in Rigveda, something scholars have used to help date Rigveda to have been composed before 1000 BCE. Hymn 5.63 mentions "metal cloaked in gold", suggesting that metalworking had progressed in the Vedic culture.

Some of the names of gods and goddesses found in the Rigveda are found amongst other belief systems based on Proto-Indo-European religion, while most of the words used share common roots with words from other Indo-European languages. However, about 300 words in the Rigveda are neither Indo-Aryan nor Indo-European, states the Sanskrit and Vedic literature scholar Frits Staal. Of these 300, many – such as kapardin, kumara, kumari, kikata – come from Munda or proto-Munda languages found in the eastern and northeastern (Assamese) region of India, with roots in Austroasiatic languages. The others in the list of 300 – such as mleccha and nir – have Dravidian roots found in the southern region of India, or are of Tibeto-Burman origins. A few non-Indo-European words in the Rigveda – such as for camel, mustard and donkey – belong to a possibly lost Central Asian language. The linguistic sharing provides clear indications, states Michael Witzel, that the people who spoke Rigvedic Sanskrit already knew and interacted with Munda and Dravidian speakers.

Witzel, however, was late to recognize that there was a distinct Harappan language which was neither Munda nor Dravidian.

As an aside, the Harappans did trade with the Sumerians who had a full written language and not just a set of symbols like the Harappan and Vinca scripts. Neither the Sumerian written language, nor the entire concept of it, however, seems to have been borrowed by the Harappans. Perhaps this was because Sumerian writing was largely confined to a small class of priest-clerks and perhaps some aristocrats, and perhaps because Sumerian-Harappan trade was thin and the Harappan maritime merchants may not have been all that influential in Harappan society. The Harappan script seems to have been used largely by merchants.